Gemma's posts

Kamal A. Chunchie of the Coloured Men’s Institute: The man and the legend by Rozina Visram

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This article by Rozina Visram provides an insight into the work of Pastor Kamal A. Chunchie and his work and support for the black and Asian community in East End London. With particular focus on the Coloured Men’s Institute (CMI), Visram outlines how Chunchie struggled for almost 30 years to improve the lives of these individuals through social welfare and Christian fellowship.

Kamal Chunchie was born in Kandy, Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in 1886 and at an early age showed an interest in Christianity. In 1915 he came to Europe and enlisted in the Public Schools Battalion, 3rd Middlesex Regiment to serve on the Western front. After converting to Christianity, Chunchie came to Britain in 1918 where he married a Welsh woman who became a fellow supporter of his work for the black and Asian population of the East End.

Visram discusses the situation soldiers found themselves in Britain after being discharged. They were given no employment opportunities or financial support and were expected to survive on their own. This therefore led to many being stranded and jobless in a difficult 1920s economy and as a result, were faced with severe levels of poverty whilst also facing racial discrimination. Chunchie faced discrimination and racism after the war and Visram highlights how this moulded his philosophy and work which turned him into an outspoken champion on behalf of the black and Asian people of the East End of London.

He started off by visiting lodgings, slums and hospitals in search of black and Asian soldiers he could help. To these individuals, he gave material assistance. For instance, Visram highlights one African sailor who was discharged in Cardiff but robbed of all his possessions and Chunchie provided him with clothing, a bed and other necessities. Soon Chunchie came across the resident black and Asian population who were living in poverty. They lived in overcrowded housing and with the men being married to white women, the mixed-race children of this community also faced discrimination at school and further lack of support and opportunity when they left. The welfare of this community therefore became Chunchie’s priority whilst he denounced racism which impacted these people’s lives in Christian England.

In 1926, Chunchie established the Coloured Men’s Institute with the aim of meeting the needs of both the soldiers and the resident community and it would serve as a recreational and social centre for them as well as a place of worship. Visram argues that the extent to which these individuals received welfare shows the desperate condition their lives were in.

He travelled all over Britain addressing crowds and exposing the hypocrisy of Christian England where black and Asian peoples were discriminated against, whilst the missionary messages ‘back home’ in their own countries with the aim to convert the native populations in colonised countries to Christianity, painted a very different picture of life in Christian England.

Visram points out how Chunchie faced a significant amount of critic. One being that he was accused of being a ‘showman’ by Rev. F.W. Chudleigh. Further, his conversion to Christianity was questioned by Rev. W.J. Noble who accused him of playing ‘football’ with the Bible as a schoolboy. Visram argues that the first accusation was an example of professional jealousy and the latter, an exaggeration since Christians were respected as people of the book by Muslims and the Bible would not have been treated in such a way. Therefore, Visram identities that this represents Chunchie’s conversion to Christianity as being even more significant.

After further accusations regarding finances, such as being too generous and incapable of managing money, Chunchie parted from the organisation in 1932. He branched out on his own to continue his work to create a ‘better confidence and spirit of brotherhood’ between the black and white population. Between 1933 and his death in 1953, he worked hard to establish a new Coloured Men’s Institute. Through this, he set up a multiracial council and the organisation delt with stranded sailors who were given bed and breakfast. Families were also offered clothes, coal, boots and shoes throughout the year as the material conditions they lived in through a depression-hit Britain was reflected in the ill-health they suffered.

The racial hostility these families faced was widespread and Nancie Sharpe wrote a 40,000-word report on ‘The Negro Population in London and Cardiff’ in the mid-1930s. She concluded that ‘The whole economic situation of those families is an indictment of the society in which we live.’

Visram concludes that without the work of Chunchie and the CMI, the lives of the black and Asian community in the East End would have been bleaker. Further, she praises Chunchie’s humanity and generosity as he was passionate and worked so hard to improve the lives of these individuals and combat racism- whilst never losing his identity which is reflected in his reports where his Malay origin is always identified as well as his love for Sri Lanka.

 

Christy's posts

Aliens, Migrants and maids; Public discourses on Irish immigration to Britain in 1937, Louise Ryan

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Louise Ryan discuses two documents, both from the year 1937 including the Liverpool press, and an official report on the Irish Free State, to try and understand tensions between the governments, and local levels, of Irish free state citizens, as well as how often Irish women migrants where ignored, or excluded from history 

A question arose in parliament in 1937, over the policies in place regarding the southern Irish. Free state citizens within Britain had complex statuses, as those from Southern Ireland were not classed as citizens of the UK, unlike individuals from Northern Ireland. The free state, however, would change this, as it was known as part of the British empire, and would therefore give them the same rights. During this period, therefore, there was both the rise in Irish immigrations to Britain and an increase in demand for boundaries to be placed over the free entry of Irish  immigrants.  

The Liverpool press was described by Ryan as being a highly valuable source, as it represented the vocal, local concerns over the large influx in Irish Migrants during the 1930s. The article witnessed many of the prejudiced and discriminative views held against the Irish, and Catholic’s within the city, and was, therefore, no surprise that it played a key part In the lobbying leading to the inquiring on Irish immigration.  The negative views had been a key feature within Liverpool, with many street fights, and stone-throwing from anti-Irish racists, especially near dockland areas that became known as the Irish “ghettos” where the desired “undesirables” would live. The Irish were blamed for requiring an apparent great deal of public assistance expenditure, as well as an increase in crime rates, and the popularised “paddy” stereotype. Ryan also noted that women made up an overwhelming majority of Irish immigrants, and yet usually such press would refer to the problems of Irish-men, neglecting to mention, or acknowledge the female Irish presence, which was often attributed to the fact that many worked inside British homes as domestic servants, and were made invisible. Irish maids were also often called “foreign” servants, which shows the confusion around the status of Irish immigrants.

The inter-departmental inquiring was set up to investigate the numbers of Irish immigrants coming to Britain, and to see if they really were a burden, on public funds. There was discussion over the accuracy of many of these claims. Enda Delaney from the Conservative government was reluctant to impose restrictions on the Irish stating that they were British subjects, it would be both difficult and costly to impose restrictions, and that they were valuable reserves for the army of labour. Ryan goes on to highlight that the second source of focus. “Migration to Great Britain from the Irish Free State” was a report of the inter-departmental committee, which contained useful information that told of the many contractions that the British government made, over their views of Irish migrant labour. Many were disappointed however that it contained little up-to-date statistics when trying to determine if they were keeping local workers out of jobs.

The two sources represented both sides to the argument and how the government tried to lessen the issue of Irish immigration, and that they were actually described as being “from the same coin”. The Liverpool document highlighted both the growing criticisms and attacks against Irish immigrants, compared to the inter- departmental inquiry, that showed how the government tried to negotiate the sources of cheap labour, which was being viewed as “alien” but was very nervous to impose any restrictions at the time.

Siobhan's posts

Herbert E Roese “Cardiff’s Norwegian Heritage A Reflected Theme”

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This particular source focuses on Norwegian’s settling within Cardiff between the late 19th and 20th centuries. The Historian introduces the source by describing that within the 19th century Cardiff had been one of Britain’s three major ports besides London and Liverpool. This historian continues this argument by describing how Cardiff became the major coal exporting port in the region, however, harbour such as Newport, Penarth and Barry were affected or conceived as a result of the operations of the Cardiff docks. The writer also establishes throughout this source that Timber was a valuable source throughout Norway as it dominated the trade with the increase in the building of wooden-hulled ships. It was established by Roese that Norway had little else to export other than timber however between the years 1849-1850, classification, insurance and better ship design soon came the key to trading abroad. The author then furthers this argument by describing that railway rails and oil bulk were also transported by Norwegian ships towards the end of the 19th century.

The importance of Swansea is also highlighted throughout this source as the author establishes that only Swansea had its own Norwegian Church (which still stands along the A483) throughout this period. The author also then established that this church was originally elected in Newport but when the towns dock declined due to the superiority of Cardiff’s transport symptom and port system facilities the church was therefore moved to Swansea. The importance of Swansea is then highlighted again by Roese explaining that Swansea created a manufacturing base (the copper works) in conjunction with the docks to which he argues Cardiff failed to do so. The ‘Norwegian mission to Seaport’ was also mentioned throughout this source as the historian established that this had found the greatest need for its services in the second half of the 19th century in four main European ports which included Leith, Newcastle, Antwerp and Cardiff.

The author then established the significance of the coal industry, as he argues that the Cardiff docks could barely keep pace with the coal supplies from the coast fields on the one hand, and the demand for docking and wharf space from shipping agents on the other hands. It was also further argued that within 1913 coal employed 5 million tons of tramp shipping, of which 3 million tons were British. Those 2 million tons of non-British tramp shipping were largely provided by the Norwegian carrier fleet. The significance of Norwegians throughout Cardiff was also established by the historian as he highlighted those small businesses were created which included: Provisioning, crewing, inspecting, engineering, repair, surveying and insurance. Besides this the author further established that although many sailors and captains chose these business communities, others took up non-shipping related occupations such as coal mining, house-keeping, working within cafés and boarding house management. There were three peak periods of these Norwegian occupations throughout Cardiff which are known to be within 1920, again in 1950 and again further by 1989. As well as this, the author also demonstrates that Norwegian heritage existed throughout Wales as he demonstrates this through establishing that a wide range of names throughout Cardiff came from Scandinavian (in particular coming from Norway). This argument was therefore furthered through the Roese establishing that that some surnames reflect a geographical context which came from Norway, one example of this that he uses to illustrate this was from the children’s author Royal Dahl.

Overall the historian H.E Roese established that there was a strong Norwegian presence throughout Wales Cardiff in particular as this was the main seaport in the kingdom. He concluded this source by establishing that the Norwegian presence in 19th century Cardiff can be regarded as “something of spectacular similar, earlier events although on a larger scale”.

Oliwia's posts

‘Middlesbrough’s “Forgotten Japanese”: the Japanese Community in Middlesbrough during the inter-way years’ by Marie Conte-Helm

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The focus of this blog post is an article titled ‘Middlesbrough’s “Forgotten Japanese”: the Japanese Community in Middlesbrough during the inter-war period’ by Marie Conte-Helm.

 

The article is well structured and has an aim of investigating the context of the history of Japanese emigration and the North-East past and present associations with Japan. The article is very detailed and presents the reader with an overview of the motivations behind Japanese emigration, as well as their reasons behind the migrants’ settlement in Middlesbrough.

 

In terms of history, the article explains that Japanese migration to Britain was a result of Japanese investment which brought over companies and families. The people involved in this movement where often short-term migrants and typically stayed for a period of up to 5 years before returning home. The first documented Japanese visitors are said to have been in Newcastle in 1862, however it wasn’t until the Meiji government overturned the Isolationist policies in 1868 that movements of Japanese nationals became more frequent. The article argues that the emigration of Japanese nationals was a result of industrialisation as it led to an increase of land taxes – therefore forcing farmers off their land. Between the years of 1880-1893 367,000 Japanese farmers faced this situation.

The article also states that the Meiji government also played a significant role in the process of emigration as it not only encouraged people to travel overseas, but also played an active part in overseas contract labour business between the years of 1885-1894, and although the rate of emigration did not peak until 1902-1904, this encouragement was essential in laying the foundation for future emigration.

 

In terms of attraction to the North-East, the Rivers Tyne, Tees and Wear contributed majorly to Japanese commercial shipping, later also the development of passenger ships. The most relevant example being the European Line Service which made Middlesbrough their port of re-fuelling and loading, therefore allowing passengers to depart there. Between 1896-1902 the article states 29,777 passengers were transported from Japan to Europe via this service. Also, for the Japanese sailors, the article argues, Middlesbrough was their home away from home.

 

The article also states that the most significant wave of Japanese incomers – in the context of Middlesbrough – took place in the second decade of the 20th century and by 1920, approximately 250 Japanese nationals were living there. The article also conveys that the Japanese community within Middlesbrough was very tight-knit as it was vastly concentrated in the Marton Road area. The article also notes that the Japanese community seemed to be generally accepted by the host community and their treatment was considerably better than that of the Italian migration, for example.

 

The article uses a lot statistical evidence to illustrate the extent of the importance of the Japanese community and also contains pictures of some of the members of the community.

Heather's posts

S. Manz’s, Negotiating ethnicity, class and gender: German associational culture in Glasgow 1864-1914

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S. Manz’s article, Negotiating ethnicity, class and gender: German associational culture in Glasgow 1864-1914 focuses on the issue of German ethnic life in Glasgow. Manz shows that a key part of ethnic migrant communities is the network of religious and secular institutions. By using Glasgow as an example Manz goes on to emphasise that ethnic institutions in Glasgow took the form of two congregations and a numerous amount of associations.

Manz spends much of the article detailing religious institutions within the German community. Noting the first German congregation in Glasgow in 1882, a private initiative of Paster Geyer who had the aim of lifting spirits of transient migrants entering Glasgow. However, Manz argues, with reference to merchant Carl Rommele, that Geyer was catering to the working class. In turn this sets the foundation for one of Manz’s key points of intra-ethnic class consciousness. Congregations clearly had class biases and this was furthered in 1898 with the second congregation. It was noted that this was a ‘church for the rich’ which only later appealed to the working class. This class bias was further seen in the fact that the congregation was reliant on community figureheads  such as Paul Rottenberg and Joseph Kiep for financial support, which ultimately meant that these individuals had the power.

The Glasgow congregations were also seen to be making moves into topics of the day such as women’s rights and education, which made Glasgow unique. Women had no voting rights in the congregation, as the same in global congregations. The Church council tried to push that women did not need voting rights but yet Glasgow stood strong on the issue and eventually won. Manz therefore emphasises that the diaspora brought new opportunities to the German community in Glasgow unlike any other community. New opportunities that were extended to the creation of social clubs and schools alongside the church. These sought to foster German spirit and encourage the second generation to become more involved in their roots. Although as seen children were often reluctant to embrace their German side. Another important association was the German Seamen and Emigrants mission in Scotland. As part of the church the mission ensured that Pastors patrolled lodgings to watch out for the German seamen. The mission was an opportunity for the seamen and showed that transient seamen were an integral part of German ethnic life in Glasgow.

It was not just religious associations that were a part of ethnic life in Glasgow, there were also secular associations.  The Verein network was a foundation to the German social life, segregated along gender, class and religious lines. Manz focuses on the Deutcher Verein of 1864 as a meeting point for the businessmen and elite who pursued activities that were both educational and recreational. The Verein sought to present itself as a high-status immigrant group. Although this wasn’t the only social institution, the German Navy was founded in 1899 to show pride and support in German military developments.

Although Manz shows religious and secular associations to be separate, there was in fact intermingling. As of 1908 57 out of 114 of the Deutcher Verein and 10 out of 12 members of the navy club were part of the congregation. Therefore, Manz clearly emphasises the diversity of German ethnic life in Glasgow and with the aid of sources taken from pastors and club members the point is backed up.  Some further reading for the topic of Germans in Glasgow could include ‘Within our gates: A new perspective of Germans in Glasgow during the First Word War, by Ben Braber.

Abbie's posts

Seminar 8 – AG ‘The Sunshine of Manly Sports and Pastimes: Sport and the Integration of Jewish Refugees in Britain’ by David Dee

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Dee begins his article by stating that it’s important to highlight the bi-directionality of the process of cultural transfer and that refugee and majority community can be both donors and receivers of certain cultural, social, economic or political values through such cultural transactions.

By stating this, Dee means to speak about the assimilation process Jews faced upon entering Britain and how they settled in their prospective towns and cities. An already established English Jewish population began an ‘anglicisation’ campaign to attempt to accelerate the integration of Jewish refugees from Eastern Europe. The idea was to transfer to English norms, customs and ideals, stating ‘the task of making the immigrants less foreign.’ Orthodox Jewish authorities had frowned upon activities perceived as distracting from the study of religious texts and restrictions were placed on Jewish organisational life imposed by the Tsarist regimes which meant many Jewish refugees did not have an interest in sports – which the English were shocked by.

To the English, the idea that ‘unsportsmanlike’ spirit enforced that Jews would appear physically, psychologically and culturally ‘alien’ to the areas they were meaning to settle, hindering their assimilation process. Especially in a time where Jews were being accused of overcrowding and raising unemployment levels, increases in rent, etc.

Thus, the schooling system would play a compulsory role in the anglicisation teaching cleanliness and punctuality, as well as ‘proper’ methods of speech (also, British history and geography were taught). Organisations/clubs then formed in the late 1890’s who sought to include physical recreation. They consisted of armed drills, marching and gym training among traditional sports – some clubs like the Jewish Working Lads Brigade were criticised for their militaristic techniques, however it was brushed off due to teaching a physical culture.

The hope from these organisations was that it would prevent young Jews from falling into crime, smoking, gambling and drinking. However, the process was far from easy as they relied on non-financial assistance from the established community and interest among the refugees was generally not there. But, in the following years, the Jewish refugees started to win sporting competitions primarily in Gymnastics and boxing. The Jewish Athletic Association, formed in 1899, promoted sports and created weekly leagues, tournaments, competitions and galas in order to continue the interest.

Dee’s conclusion was from the 1890’s to 1914, a new sporting culture was produced amongst the youngest first and second generations refugees which was not previously in existence for the immigrants or the established Jewish community.

Jennifer's posts

P. O’Leary, ‘Networking Respectability: class, gender and ethnicity among the Irish in south Wales’ Immigrants & Minorities 23:2-3 (2005) 255-275.

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In this article O’Leary discusses ways that individuals are viewed by society and how class, gender and identity can all play a part in this. He discusses respectable men’s societies and how they would help men become more respectable if they attended these societies. He focuses on the Irish and how they were viewed in society. He mentions that they were drunk and prone to wild and indecent behaviour, therefore, society viewed them as not respectable which would mean that they would not be allowed to become a member of a respectable society. He also discusses that the Irish were not respectable as many of them depended on parish relief to get by. He notes that any man who can send his wife begging is not respectable, as men should be able to support their family.

He discusses how living in certain areas were more respectable than other areas and that respectability was all about males being able to provide for their family. O’Leary discusses traditional roles where men go out to work and the wife was able to stay home and look after the children and keep the house in order. Respectable men were the breadwinner. This was something that the Irish did not do.

He then continues on by discussing friendly societies, these were set up for Irishmen so that they were able to learn organisation skills and other skills necessary to be viewed as respectable in society. These friendly societies reinforced the culture of the male being the breadwinner in the family.

The article then discusses parades and the way that the Irish were dressed on parade day would fit in with societies ideal of respectability. The children involved in the parades were often from the poorest parts of town but when they were in their parade clothes nobody would know their social class as these clothes were not their typical daily clothes.

He ends the article by stating that these societies were a great opportunity to help the Irish integrate with others. They are also there for the Irish to desire a better life and ward-off poverty.

Emily's posts

W. M. Walker- “Irish Immigrants in Scotland: their priests, politics and parochial life”- Historical Journal 15:4 (1972) 649-667

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This chapter aims to explain to what extent the Irish failed to fulfil Friedrich Engels expectations of them. Engels was convinced in 1845 that Irish immigrants in Britain had added an explosive force that would have significant consequences in British society. The chapter does this by looking at the religion of the immigrants, and the communities they created for themselves, looking particularly at Dundee.

The chapter says that while it is often considered how some of the British did not want the Irish to mix with British working class society, it is often not taken into account how the Irish in Britain also did not always wish to mix with the British population. The chapter says this was common among Irish Catholic, and was endorsed by Irish Catholic priests. Irish Churches, church halls and schools were built to create this exclusive and intensive Irish community.

For example, in Dundee in the early 1860s the physical signs for Irish Catholic presence were 2 churches and 3 Catholic schools (which the Dundee Advertiser described as “a cellar under the chapel”. These buildings served a community of around 20,000. In the next 10 years the size of the Irish Catholic community stayed roughly the same, but the number of churches and schools doubled, and Catholic church properties continued to be added up to the end of the century.

The Irish Catholic parochial life encompassed religious, political, economic, educational and recreational elements, and it was therefore very difficult to move away from.

The chapter summarises that the Irish did not have the impact on British society that Friedrich Engels thought it would have, because he did not take into account the religion of the immigrants and the community that they had while in Britain, which this chapter calls “the cult of the priest”.

Sophie's posts

’To Keep Our Fathers’ Faith…’ Lithuanian Immigrant Religious Aspirations and the Policy of West of Scotland Catholic Clergy, 1889-1914, by O’Donnell

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Ellen O’Donnell’s article “’To Keep Our Fathers’ Faith…’ Lithuanian Immigrant Religious Aspirations and the Policy of West of Scotland Catholic Clergy, 1889-1914” details the Lithuanian immigrant struggle to position themselves in Scotland’s religious scene.

O’Donnell acknowledges the devotion of the archdiocesan in aiding the immigrant community, however, argues that the Catholic Church in the West of Scotland “had little sympathy for the ethnic aspirations and outlook of the Lithuanians”. Although the diocesan authorities allowed and organised a supply of chaplains, they were not willing to permit a church for the community, as they were concerned about the threat of Catholic unity in a predominantly Protestant Scotland. Hence, this led to Lithuanian assimilation into the Scottish community.

O’Donnell begins the article by explaining that among the Russian immigrants during this period was a number of Lithuanians who did not yet constitute a distinguished separate population. She then goes on to depict the settlement areas in Scotland for Lithuanians, stating that although they were not large in number, they were concentrated in a few places, including Gorbals and Bridgeton in Glasgow, as well as Coatbridge and Burnbank in Lanarkshire. However, she states that the largest settlement was found in Bellshill/ Mossend. Hence, the majority of Catholic Lithuanians resided in the West of Scotland and therefore became part of the archdiocese of Glasgow.

O’Donnell details the initiative that Lithuanians took in order to access Catholicism in Scotland. They were not satisfied with visits from priests, such as Father James Hughes, and instead desired a chaplain of their own, who lived in Scotland. Many Lithuanians were concerned that the lack of Catholic religious guidance was leading to drunkenness and conversion to Protestantism. O’Donnell explains that the Lithuanian immigrants’ yearning for their own chaplain is shown through the fact they raised money to pay for the priest’s travel to Scotland and accommodation. The priest was given strict limitations in his position, as he was given a short-term contract and was “subordinated to the local parish clergy”.

Following this, in 1902, Lithuanian immigrants in Scotland further desired their own church, primarily because they struggled to understand the English language, arguing that they were not looking for a church that was separate from the mother-church, but rather a service that was spoken in their own language. After the initial requests were denied, a petition was created in 1905, along with details of a gathering of representatives of Lithuanians in Lanarkshire, which noted that many Lithuanians were turned away from churches, or were regarded as second to worshippers from Scotland. However, the clergy of the parishes that dealt with this issue had little sympathy for the immigrants, and the archbishop ruled that the factor of the church and position of the Lithuanian chaplains “did not meet with general approval at the meeting”. O’Donnell states that the possible reason for withholding a church from the Lithuanian immigrants, the Catholic community was the attempt at integration of immigrants in Scotland.

O’Donnell compares the experience of Lithuanian immigrants in Scotland with other immigrant groups in other areas of the world, highlighting that in England, the Polish community were permitted their own church in 1894.

Overall, this article is successful in detailing the Lithuanian experience with Catholicism in Scotland during 1889-1914. O’Donnell uses a number of primary sources as evidence, including marriage records and letters written by priests. She presents a convincing argument and an effective explanation of events during this period.

Christy's posts

“Strangers on the inside: Irish women servants in England, 1881” Bronwen Walter, 2009

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Strangers on the inside: Irish women servants in England, 1881, Bronwen Walter, discusses the importance of Irish domestic servant’s within English homes during the 19th century, and tries to identify why, although their importance, where largely excluded from history.

Irish female migrants during this period were in search of accommodation and were actively encouraged to seek it by Catholic priests, within the homes of the English middle class, where they could work as live-in servants. Although Irish women were a relatively small proportion of all domestic servants, by 1881 they quickly became very spread out within England, and English households. Walter highlights that Irish domestic servants became known as the “others” to the white, middle-class, male-owned households in England during the 19th century. He discusses how their role within the home actively attributed to the construction of masculinity and its boundaries of the men’s homes they worked within.  The concept of “the master of the house” was developed at a time were male identities were being threatened by growing European uncertainty. Domestic servants were to perform tasks such as cleaning, and maintenance, as well as often childcare duties, so that the middle-class women could still enjoy a leisured lifestyle and feel above the servants that they hired.

The role of ethnicity compared to that of class, or gender, is often left unexamined by historians. Therefore, Walter highlights that the lack of examination on the national, and ethnic origins of Irish servants within the later 19th century, contributes to the invisibility of the servant classes as a whole.  In the rare occasion that Irish servants were mentioned within literacy during the period, they were exposed to a lack of respect, and a range of stereotypes and slurs, such as the fact they were dirty, unskilled, and all terrible cooks. The writings failed to discuss the many jobs that they performed, and their hard work, which was integral to the middle-class home.  Walter highlights one of the servants most important roles within the homes that they worked at and an indication that they had a greater impact on the family, than just the cleaning that they did, which was childcare. Irish domestic servants had an extraordinarily important role by caring for the middle, and upper-class children, so that women could appear untouched by manual labour. They helped to raise and educate the children, and therefore the raising of young middle-class men, who often spent more time with the Irish servants, than their mothers. The knowledge of the Irish culture absorbed into the children and often carried with them into adulthood, which worried some parents of the upper classes, as they thought that the Irish servants may be clashing their catholic views, upon the strong protestant Englishness of the time.

The article looks into the 1881 census, and the fact that a 5% sample revealed a better insight into the amount, specific location, and relationships that they had within middle-class households. By a large amount, the highest proportion of Irish-born women, living in England, and working, were domestic servants, and yet through history, they are often ignored. Their contributions to the construction of ‘Englishness” remained taken for granted. The census showed that the total number of domestic service workers was 750,000 in 1851, which then rose to 1.3 million in1891. Overall, therefore, it showed that the Irish born servants had an integral position within English homes during this period, and although their work and importance often went ignored,  studies looking at the data from censuses such as 1881, are starting to understand this role better, to shed light on how they shaped many English homes.