Tag: Session 10

Sophie's posts

“The English Mistery, the BUF, and the Dilemmas of British Fascism”, Stone

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Stone’s article “The English Mistery, the BUF, and the Dilemmas of British Fascism” analyses Fascist groups in Britain, arguing that despite their failure, “the English Mistery shows that fascism was just as much a British movement as it was a continental European one”.

Stone primarily looks at the workings of the English Mistery, which later becomes known as the English Array. He wishes to challenge the traditional view that fascism in Britain was merely an imitation of European fascism that had no impact or influence on British society and history. He begins the article by identifying fascism, using Robert Paxton’s definition of the concept: “a system of political authority and social order intended to reinforce the unity, energy, and purity of communities in which liberal democracy stands accused of producing division and decline”.

Stone then goes on to explain what the English Mistery was, explaining that it was founded in 1930 by William Sanderson. The group defined itself as a school for leadership, committed to salvaging the lost ways of governance, focusing on the concept of service of the English race. Sanderson divided the Mistery into a hierarchy, splitting the group into local kins, consisting of between ten and thirty people. Their aims were “to regenerate the English nation and to recreate a body politic with properly functioning members,” and establish “a sound ethical basis for national politics” built upon “principles derived from the instincts and traditions of English breeds.” Stone also emphasises the explicit racism and extreme nationalism within the group. Members were warned not to enter discussion with immigrants or the diseased. They were also told that the Nordic race is fundamentally different from the Latin races. Furthermore, the group “supports the elimination from public life in parliament or elsewhere of all those Jewish and other alien influences which, however worthy in themselves, cannot fail to work against English instincts and traditions”.

The English Mistery split after much antagonism that began to develop in 1933, particularly due to the clash of Sanderson and, Lymington, another member of the organisation. After the split, the English Array was formed, consisting of the more serious members of the Mistery, and as described by Stone, was more pro-Nazi. Moreover, Stone explains the struggle within this group of wishing to praise other fascist movements yet not wanting to sacrifice their own nationalism. Furthermore, the author mentions the cooperation between the English Array and the BUF, but states that a merger was not an option, due to conflict of leadership, as well as views on the monarchy and the House of Lords.

Stone concludes by arguing that the English Mistery proves that a movement that is distinctively fascist is able to develop in Britain, and demonstrates that fascism is not a completely foreign concept in the British political scene.

Overall, this article contains a coherent article and effectively explains the English Mistery and the issues surrounding the group, while depicting a convincing argument. Stone’s use of primary sources is also an effective feature of this article.

Jennifer's posts

M. Durham ‘Women and the British Union of Fascists. 1932-40 ch in K. Lunn and T. Kushner ed. The politics of marginality: race, the radical right and minorities in 20th Century Britain (1990) Pg 3-16.

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Durham starts by noting that there has been a lot written on the British union of Fascists, but there has been very little written on the role of Women that were involved in the movement. He notes that the movement was very male orientated but women also played an important role in BUF activity, especially the campaign against war.

The BUF wanted women to join and made an effort to recruit them so that they would be able to help develop the structure and policies in an attempt to make fascism appeal to women. The BUF were trying to campaign for equal pay for women, they wanted equal pay for equal work. They also wanted to remove the marriage barrier on all careers and hoped that working conditions would be improved and sex discrimination would be put to an end. The BUF were focused on equality and society viewing women as citizens and workers, as well as viewing them as mothers and wives. However, BUF writers had said that equal pay could lead to the dismissal of many workers but in the long run this would cancel out. This was because when a man married a woman there would no longer be any reason for the women to continue with her employment as the male’s wage would be enough to support them. It was the women’s birth right to be the mother and wife, not the breadwinner.

The BUF were also campaigning against war and used the women for this campaign. They believed that women, as mothers had a natural attachment to peace. Therefore, it was up to the women to teach their children that they should not fight, and that Brits only fight when their country is under attack. Women wanted to fight for their children and for a government that would not bring war, so that their husbands did not have to leave again.

However, Durham suggests that there may have been some exaggeration about the women in the BUF, as it is hard to tell if the articles about the women joining the movement were authentic, or if they were a journalistic creation to help the movement gain followers. He also notes that when asked to recall their time in the BUF many women had problems remembering.

Durham ends by stating that women joined the British union of Fascists as they wanted to be part of something important and they got a thrill from it. He also states that the BUF attitudes were not straight forward, they were complex and hard to understand.

Heather's posts

Nigel Copsey, ‘Anti-Semitism and the Jewish community of Newcastle-upon-Tyne’

Heather |

Copsey’s article, Anti-Semitism and the Jewish community of Newcastle-upon-Tyne provides a clear analysis on the extent of anti-Semitism in the North East of England, particularly with emphasise on the Tyneside area.  Copsey argues that North East did not escape anti-Semitism in the 1930s and 40s, when it was seen to be most pronounced, but anti-Semitism was not completely insignificant. Therefore, Copsey takes a twofold approach, breaking down the article into the 1930s and 40s it allows him to show the development of anti-Semitism in the North East Jewry.

Copsey shows in 1934 the British Fascist Union (BUF), had notable anti-Semitic ideas and held a high membership in Tyneside. However, after opposition from the radical left, Copsey argues they were an “organisation in retreat”, with little anti-Semitic activity. It was in the summer of 1936 that fascist activity was resurrected however Newcastle never became of any significance. In this instance, Copsey emphasises the exaggerated response of the Jewish community in that the Board of Deputies of British Jews warned the Jewish community to not get involved wit fascist activity. Even though, Copsey makes evident that fascist activity in Newcastle was largely non-existent. The leaders of Tyneside Jewry did not confront the idea of fascist anti-Semitism resulting in the younger population doing so.

Copsey puts an emphasis on the exaggeration of the Jewish leaders in their response to fascist anti-Semitism such as the Representative Council for Newcastle Jewry, which formed in 1941 as a defence body.  The council ultimately held no meetings on Tyneside.  However, in the context, there was as Copsey shows an increased anti-Jewish feeling in Newcastle. With anxiety surrounding the holocaust, economic troubles and Palestine events, Copsey argues the collective psyche was transformed amongst Newcastle Jews.

Anti-Semitism were prominent in 1946 when a Jewish business boycott was ordered. By 1947 press began to get involved, with Cosey noting the local Kemsley press adopting an anti-Jew position. However, Copsey argues that such press was not as bad as it seemed and in fact on Tyneside, the press was mild.  The local Jewish newspaper played down anti-Semitic events; this was not the case for the younger generation who formed the Newcastle Anti-Defamation Group.

Copsey compares the fascist activity to London in 1946, with the creation of the 43 Group, to emphasise the little significance of Jewish organisations in Newcastle. Although the creation of the Anti-Defamation group cannot be discounted as they distributed copies of 43’s magazine. Copsey brings in the point of exaggeration again, showing even though the group were doing little that there was pressure from communal leaders to submit so as not to draw attention to the Jewish community. This did not happen and the group transformed itself into the Newcastle branch of 43 Group. Despite this Copsey shows that this transformation was only in the name. Copsey further notes, the Association of Jewish Ex-Servicemen which was resurrected after the war. They proved to be more popular in quelling anti-Semitic activity resulting in the Newcastle 43 to stand down.

Therefore overall, the article is well balanced, with a clear analysis of the work of Beckman and Todd as well as reference to newspaper extracts. Copsey’s argument of Newcastle never having a serious problem with anti-Semitism with only the unfavourable comments and social discrimination begin the major forms, is well written. The fact Copsey doesn’t disregard the small-scale actions of the younger community adds to the strength of the article. Further reading could include John Brewer’s, The British Union of Fascists and Anti-Semitism in Birmingham. 

Emily's posts

The British Union of Fascists’ policy in relation to Scotland- Tony Milligan

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In the article, Milligan explains that Fascist organisation in Scotland in the 1930s was limited in both numbers and its spread across the country.Despite a similar situation in England of rising unemployment which led to a rise in support for fascist organisations, Scotland did not see such a rise. However, this article states that Scotland was not unreceptive to extremist politics.

By the 1930s there were a number of anti-Catholic organisations in Scotland, such as the Scottish Protestant League and Protestant action, in both Edinburgh and Glasgow. These organisations were large and sometimes violent in order to achieve their political ends.

Scottish poet Hugh MacDiarmid called for a ‘species of Scottish fascism’ after Mussolini’s seizure of power, and proclaimed the formation of Clan Alban in 1930, inspired by the Italian blackshirts (although this largely only existed on paper and in MacDiarmid’s imagination.

The New Party, formed when Oswald Mosely broke from the Labour party over a disagreement over unemployment, had 5 candidates stand in West Scottish constituencies in 1931, but did not do well in the general election. Milligan explains that The New Party left a political vacuum in Glasgow after the party’s campaign was effectively abandoned in the city, and local supporters rallied around William Weir Gilmour in its place. Weir Gilmour had his own definite ideas about how a Scottish fascist movement should be built. He had seen the success of Alexander Ratcliffe’s Scottish Protestant League, and used it as a blue print for fascist work in Scotland, and his splinter group was also anti-catholic.

The article also explains that the British Union of Fascists played on Scottish fears that the rural North of Scotland would be made a dumping ground for Jewish refugees from Germany.