Heather's posts

S. Manz’s, Negotiating ethnicity, class and gender: German associational culture in Glasgow 1864-1914

S. Manz’s article, Negotiating ethnicity, class and gender: German associational culture in Glasgow 1864-1914 focuses on the issue of German ethnic life in Glasgow. Manz shows that a key part of ethnic migrant communities is the network of religious and secular institutions. By using Glasgow as an example Manz goes on to emphasise that ethnic institutions in Glasgow took the form of two congregations and a numerous amount of associations.

Manz spends much of the article detailing religious institutions within the German community. Noting the first German congregation in Glasgow in 1882, a private initiative of Paster Geyer who had the aim of lifting spirits of transient migrants entering Glasgow. However, Manz argues, with reference to merchant Carl Rommele, that Geyer was catering to the working class. In turn this sets the foundation for one of Manz’s key points of intra-ethnic class consciousness. Congregations clearly had class biases and this was furthered in 1898 with the second congregation. It was noted that this was a ‘church for the rich’ which only later appealed to the working class. This class bias was further seen in the fact that the congregation was reliant on community figureheads  such as Paul Rottenberg and Joseph Kiep for financial support, which ultimately meant that these individuals had the power.

The Glasgow congregations were also seen to be making moves into topics of the day such as women’s rights and education, which made Glasgow unique. Women had no voting rights in the congregation, as the same in global congregations. The Church council tried to push that women did not need voting rights but yet Glasgow stood strong on the issue and eventually won. Manz therefore emphasises that the diaspora brought new opportunities to the German community in Glasgow unlike any other community. New opportunities that were extended to the creation of social clubs and schools alongside the church. These sought to foster German spirit and encourage the second generation to become more involved in their roots. Although as seen children were often reluctant to embrace their German side. Another important association was the German Seamen and Emigrants mission in Scotland. As part of the church the mission ensured that Pastors patrolled lodgings to watch out for the German seamen. The mission was an opportunity for the seamen and showed that transient seamen were an integral part of German ethnic life in Glasgow.

It was not just religious associations that were a part of ethnic life in Glasgow, there were also secular associations.  The Verein network was a foundation to the German social life, segregated along gender, class and religious lines. Manz focuses on the Deutcher Verein of 1864 as a meeting point for the businessmen and elite who pursued activities that were both educational and recreational. The Verein sought to present itself as a high-status immigrant group. Although this wasn’t the only social institution, the German Navy was founded in 1899 to show pride and support in German military developments.

Although Manz shows religious and secular associations to be separate, there was in fact intermingling. As of 1908 57 out of 114 of the Deutcher Verein and 10 out of 12 members of the navy club were part of the congregation. Therefore, Manz clearly emphasises the diversity of German ethnic life in Glasgow and with the aid of sources taken from pastors and club members the point is backed up.  Some further reading for the topic of Germans in Glasgow could include ‘Within our gates: A new perspective of Germans in Glasgow during the First Word War, by Ben Braber.

Abbie's posts

Seminar 8 – AG ‘The Sunshine of Manly Sports and Pastimes: Sport and the Integration of Jewish Refugees in Britain’ by David Dee

Dee begins his article by stating that it’s important to highlight the bi-directionality of the process of cultural transfer and that refugee and majority community can be both donors and receivers of certain cultural, social, economic or political values through such cultural transactions.

By stating this, Dee means to speak about the assimilation process Jews faced upon entering Britain and how they settled in their prospective towns and cities. An already established English Jewish population began an ‘anglicisation’ campaign to attempt to accelerate the integration of Jewish refugees from Eastern Europe. The idea was to transfer to English norms, customs and ideals, stating ‘the task of making the immigrants less foreign.’ Orthodox Jewish authorities had frowned upon activities perceived as distracting from the study of religious texts and restrictions were placed on Jewish organisational life imposed by the Tsarist regimes which meant many Jewish refugees did not have an interest in sports – which the English were shocked by.

To the English, the idea that ‘unsportsmanlike’ spirit enforced that Jews would appear physically, psychologically and culturally ‘alien’ to the areas they were meaning to settle, hindering their assimilation process. Especially in a time where Jews were being accused of overcrowding and raising unemployment levels, increases in rent, etc.

Thus, the schooling system would play a compulsory role in the anglicisation teaching cleanliness and punctuality, as well as ‘proper’ methods of speech (also, British history and geography were taught). Organisations/clubs then formed in the late 1890’s who sought to include physical recreation. They consisted of armed drills, marching and gym training among traditional sports – some clubs like the Jewish Working Lads Brigade were criticised for their militaristic techniques, however it was brushed off due to teaching a physical culture.

The hope from these organisations was that it would prevent young Jews from falling into crime, smoking, gambling and drinking. However, the process was far from easy as they relied on non-financial assistance from the established community and interest among the refugees was generally not there. But, in the following years, the Jewish refugees started to win sporting competitions primarily in Gymnastics and boxing. The Jewish Athletic Association, formed in 1899, promoted sports and created weekly leagues, tournaments, competitions and galas in order to continue the interest.

Dee’s conclusion was from the 1890’s to 1914, a new sporting culture was produced amongst the youngest first and second generations refugees which was not previously in existence for the immigrants or the established Jewish community.

Jennifer's posts

P. O’Leary, ‘Networking Respectability: class, gender and ethnicity among the Irish in south Wales’ Immigrants & Minorities 23:2-3 (2005) 255-275.

In this article O’Leary discusses ways that individuals are viewed by society and how class, gender and identity can all play a part in this. He discusses respectable men’s societies and how they would help men become more respectable if they attended these societies. He focuses on the Irish and how they were viewed in society. He mentions that they were drunk and prone to wild and indecent behaviour, therefore, society viewed them as not respectable which would mean that they would not be allowed to become a member of a respectable society. He also discusses that the Irish were not respectable as many of them depended on parish relief to get by. He notes that any man who can send his wife begging is not respectable, as men should be able to support their family.

He discusses how living in certain areas were more respectable than other areas and that respectability was all about males being able to provide for their family. O’Leary discusses traditional roles where men go out to work and the wife was able to stay home and look after the children and keep the house in order. Respectable men were the breadwinner. This was something that the Irish did not do.

He then continues on by discussing friendly societies, these were set up for Irishmen so that they were able to learn organisation skills and other skills necessary to be viewed as respectable in society. These friendly societies reinforced the culture of the male being the breadwinner in the family.

The article then discusses parades and the way that the Irish were dressed on parade day would fit in with societies ideal of respectability. The children involved in the parades were often from the poorest parts of town but when they were in their parade clothes nobody would know their social class as these clothes were not their typical daily clothes.

He ends the article by stating that these societies were a great opportunity to help the Irish integrate with others. They are also there for the Irish to desire a better life and ward-off poverty.

Emily's posts

W. M. Walker- “Irish Immigrants in Scotland: their priests, politics and parochial life”- Historical Journal 15:4 (1972) 649-667

This chapter aims to explain to what extent the Irish failed to fulfil Friedrich Engels expectations of them. Engels was convinced in 1845 that Irish immigrants in Britain had added an explosive force that would have significant consequences in British society. The chapter does this by looking at the religion of the immigrants, and the communities they created for themselves, looking particularly at Dundee.

The chapter says that while it is often considered how some of the British did not want the Irish to mix with British working class society, it is often not taken into account how the Irish in Britain also did not always wish to mix with the British population. The chapter says this was common among Irish Catholic, and was endorsed by Irish Catholic priests. Irish Churches, church halls and schools were built to create this exclusive and intensive Irish community.

For example, in Dundee in the early 1860s the physical signs for Irish Catholic presence were 2 churches and 3 Catholic schools (which the Dundee Advertiser described as “a cellar under the chapel”. These buildings served a community of around 20,000. In the next 10 years the size of the Irish Catholic community stayed roughly the same, but the number of churches and schools doubled, and Catholic church properties continued to be added up to the end of the century.

The Irish Catholic parochial life encompassed religious, political, economic, educational and recreational elements, and it was therefore very difficult to move away from.

The chapter summarises that the Irish did not have the impact on British society that Friedrich Engels thought it would have, because he did not take into account the religion of the immigrants and the community that they had while in Britain, which this chapter calls “the cult of the priest”.

Sophie's posts

’To Keep Our Fathers’ Faith…’ Lithuanian Immigrant Religious Aspirations and the Policy of West of Scotland Catholic Clergy, 1889-1914, by O’Donnell

Ellen O’Donnell’s article “’To Keep Our Fathers’ Faith…’ Lithuanian Immigrant Religious Aspirations and the Policy of West of Scotland Catholic Clergy, 1889-1914” details the Lithuanian immigrant struggle to position themselves in Scotland’s religious scene.

O’Donnell acknowledges the devotion of the archdiocesan in aiding the immigrant community, however, argues that the Catholic Church in the West of Scotland “had little sympathy for the ethnic aspirations and outlook of the Lithuanians”. Although the diocesan authorities allowed and organised a supply of chaplains, they were not willing to permit a church for the community, as they were concerned about the threat of Catholic unity in a predominantly Protestant Scotland. Hence, this led to Lithuanian assimilation into the Scottish community.

O’Donnell begins the article by explaining that among the Russian immigrants during this period was a number of Lithuanians who did not yet constitute a distinguished separate population. She then goes on to depict the settlement areas in Scotland for Lithuanians, stating that although they were not large in number, they were concentrated in a few places, including Gorbals and Bridgeton in Glasgow, as well as Coatbridge and Burnbank in Lanarkshire. However, she states that the largest settlement was found in Bellshill/ Mossend. Hence, the majority of Catholic Lithuanians resided in the West of Scotland and therefore became part of the archdiocese of Glasgow.

O’Donnell details the initiative that Lithuanians took in order to access Catholicism in Scotland. They were not satisfied with visits from priests, such as Father James Hughes, and instead desired a chaplain of their own, who lived in Scotland. Many Lithuanians were concerned that the lack of Catholic religious guidance was leading to drunkenness and conversion to Protestantism. O’Donnell explains that the Lithuanian immigrants’ yearning for their own chaplain is shown through the fact they raised money to pay for the priest’s travel to Scotland and accommodation. The priest was given strict limitations in his position, as he was given a short-term contract and was “subordinated to the local parish clergy”.

Following this, in 1902, Lithuanian immigrants in Scotland further desired their own church, primarily because they struggled to understand the English language, arguing that they were not looking for a church that was separate from the mother-church, but rather a service that was spoken in their own language. After the initial requests were denied, a petition was created in 1905, along with details of a gathering of representatives of Lithuanians in Lanarkshire, which noted that many Lithuanians were turned away from churches, or were regarded as second to worshippers from Scotland. However, the clergy of the parishes that dealt with this issue had little sympathy for the immigrants, and the archbishop ruled that the factor of the church and position of the Lithuanian chaplains “did not meet with general approval at the meeting”. O’Donnell states that the possible reason for withholding a church from the Lithuanian immigrants, the Catholic community was the attempt at integration of immigrants in Scotland.

O’Donnell compares the experience of Lithuanian immigrants in Scotland with other immigrant groups in other areas of the world, highlighting that in England, the Polish community were permitted their own church in 1894.

Overall, this article is successful in detailing the Lithuanian experience with Catholicism in Scotland during 1889-1914. O’Donnell uses a number of primary sources as evidence, including marriage records and letters written by priests. She presents a convincing argument and an effective explanation of events during this period.