For session seven ‘Black people’s experiences in the First World War’, I will be reviewing the work of B.P Willan – ‘The South African Native Labour Contingent, 1916-1918’, in order to gain further  perspective and additional knowledge behind why this ‘experiment’ is so relevant to the overall discussion previously mentioned.  In this article Willan narrates the experiences held by the black south Africans recruited in the South African Labour Contingent’ (S. A. N. L. C).

It is worth noting that Willan doesn’t make an argument as such, he reflects the events that happened in (S.A.N.L.C) and acts like a narrative of what the Natives endured. He does establish that the S.A.N.L.C turned into an experiment to see if racial segregation could be established in South Africa. Another point he makes apparent is the mistreatment the Natives experienced.  His overall ‘main point’ is just that, the unfair treatment in recruitment as well as in the camps, the mistrust and racial abuse masked as ‘rules’ to name a few. Willans overall goal can be recognised as bringing recognition to the horrific incidents that followed the establishment of S.A. N. L. C , as well as breaking down the lies made by the South African government during that time.

In 1916 the government ibn South Africa had received a request from the imperial government for the allowance of what they described as ‘not combatant’ labour for Africans in France. This was approved and the S.A. N. L .C was formed and recruitment commenced despite opposing views from whites on a variety of grounds, including white farmers. It wasn’t only whites who opposed, it was made apparent that a future minister for Native Affairs ‘D.L Smith’ was a danger of going abroad for recruits when discussing those leaving for labour in the mines.  Recruitments were gathered through the inticement in slightly higher wages than what was earned by labourers in South Africa as well as referring to being recruited as a display of loyalty to King and country. However, uptake slowed down after a couple of months. The overall association with the South African government was a repellent for many, as well as  the fear of what would happen to their families and homes while away was a genuine concern. Many wanted to be around for their children, which they couldn’t do while away at war. Others were also greatly concerned regarding the sinking of the ‘S.S Mendi’ which saw the death of over six-hundred Africans.  Regardless, the request for 10,000 men was completed both morally and immorally.

There was always a worry for many regarding the issue of segregation within towns for Natives. The South African Government found it necessary given such fears to implement work in isolated areas such as forests and quarries, in order to prevent what many believed as ‘a danger of contamination’ in Europe, which was thought to have been inevitable.  It was then decided that S. A. N .L. C  was to be sent out to other places in Europe, this gave the Native Affiars department an opportunity to experiment with controlled segregation, which as to be carefully regulated, so that if proved successful could be implemented back in South Africa.  This ultimately allowed what was once considered as a request for labour, turned into a racial ‘experiment’, with the hope to further implement segregation in the Natives country. Requests such as barbed wired fencing, high enough Natives couldn’t escape. Natives were also not allowed to leave their camp unless they had appropriate supervision from a superior. They were not allowed into business establishments without a European escort and prohibited from going anywhere that sold alcohol.  In France, it was stated in the ‘appendix’ that Natives were not to be trusted with white women’ and that care was to be made from the public accessing the camp or interacting with Natives ‘to prevent familiarity forming between Europeans and Natives’.

The S. A . N .L. C  was not entirely ran as expected due to changes in arrangements. For example, Willan states that the initial two small battalions were split into smaller groups and were placed near the front line instead of dockyards as expected. Although soon they were removed due to political concerns, however, one group did get shelled by the Germans resulting in numerous casualties. A picture of happiness and contentment was portrayed by authorities, which was for many Natives far from the truth. Willan highlights that there is more valuable evidence that Natives were unhappy and dissatisfied of being part of the S. A. N. L. C. He also adds that many Natives had heard stories before reaching their destination which, for those that were on ships that stopped off at Sierra Leone, some were allowed to leave.  A further incident of significant importance highlighted by Willan was the growing discontent in the camps in France. In one case the discontent evolved into violence that left thirteen Africans killed by white officers, which the South African government managed to hide.

Willan illustrates why the ‘experiment’ came to an end in 1918 due to various concerns from the South African Government after having asked to increase recruitment to fifty-thousand.  Willan is also honest when he admits it is not easy to depict the wider imp0lications of the ‘experiment’ , what can be comprehended is the impact the sinking of the Mendi caused due to the significant loss of lives.

Ultimately, Willan provides an good narrative of the experiences of Natives in the S.A.N.L. C and sheds light on a part of South Africa’s past that is not often explored while setting the record straight.  He uses a good range of sources both primary and secondary to back up what his statements, which allows his account to be considered convincing. His writing is particularly in  primary sources, including  records from the Public Record Office as well as using accounts from Stimela Jason Jingoes from both his autobiography and from transcripts provided.

https://www.sahistory.org.za/image/king-george-v-inspects-south-african-native-labour-corps-1918

The main feel and direction of this article is set from the start. The authors make it clear on their stance of the ‘heroes’ in which history is written by. This is predominately based of racist attitudes in which was widespread throughout the world. The authors make the important connection and link between the slave trade and the mis conception (based off historical and generational racism) that black people were inferior and of a barbaric nature. Walter and Augustus clearly make this link between these views and the start of the slave trade. It was the idea that with the start of slavery this removed black people from their barbaric tendencies, thus controlling and strictly regulating every inch of their lives. The misconception of slaves within this article is apparent and something in which I feel must be addressed. The backgrounds and social status of black people being that of inferior prior to their enslavements, in a sense making it justifiable. The education of these individuals, as they were not intelligent, and unworthy of human respect or treatment. This all adds to the picture of the hero white man, which was depicted of the time, against the inferior, barbaric black man. This article, within the period of when it was written in 1964 in a sense speaks for itself. The ‘old school’ terminology in which is used within its writing speaks for the time, as would not be appreciated, or accepted today. Something in which stands out for me greatly within this article is idea of the ‘negro’ putting on an act. It is almost applauded for their compliance and innocence, despite its pretend efforts. This is important as you can look at in from a modern perspective today and ask the question of why. Why because of the colour of your skin should you have to dumb down intelligence and personality to obey the white man. It degrading and inhumane in the way these people were treated and the attitudes which came hand in hand with this.

RODNEY, WALTER, and EARL AUGUSTUS. “The Negro Slave.” Caribbean Quarterly 10, no. 2 (1964)

Killingray’s main focus throughout his piece is on providing a detailed account on how Moody constructed his views and arguments with the aid of both science and conversion to Christianity. Killingray assures the importance of Moody’s use of Christianity as a means of arguing for equality, he mentions Moody’s focus on the Christian belief that all men are equal and therefore one man should not find himself disregarded as less by another. The use of this argument for all to be equal under God is used bt Moody to attack the Colour bar which he believes goes against the Christian call for equality and therefore in a largely Christian society a Colour bar should not exist as it is not God’s will. Within his piece, Killingray relies on primary sources rather than secondary as evidence to back up his arguments. However, secondary sources are still present. In regard to his argument of Christianity as an major influence on Moody’s views Killingray cites names including Sam Morris alongside Jeffrey Green and Herbert Aptheker as supporting evidence.

In his work Killingray provides a positive perspective on Harold Moody, he does this particularly through accounting in detail Moody’s work regarding the League of Coloured Peoples. Killingray writes on the successes of the League of Coloured People’s which he recognizes to have been impacted by Moody. In his article he mentions how the League was not only “dominated by Moody”, but also by his family members. This is an extremely useful piece of evidence displayed by Killingray as it highlights exactly how invested and much direction, he was able to provide for the League.

This piece of work produced by Killingray is a great example to use when discussing session nine’s theme of inter-war society and politics as it provides a detailed account on The League of Coloured People’s, one of the most successful groups of its kind that attempted to breakdown the prejudice that surrounded the topic of race. The focus on Moody as an influential character also provides a new viewpoint, Moody is typically referred to as an “Uncle Tom” character who was being used by the imperialist white men still. Killingray’s positive portrayal that challenges this usual character depiction of Moody provides a fresh outlook that allows us to understand just how much Moody did do for his cause and also how he was able to develop his ideas in the first place. Overall, the chapter is greatly convincing due to the sheer amount of evidence displayed that challenges the overused idea that Moody was an “Uncle Tom” figure, which degrades all he achieved for the League. The heavy focus on how Moody developed his views also contributes to a convincing chapter as it highlights the backbone of Mood’s arguments which allows us to understand how he was able to construct his arguments in such a way that he was able to make a difference.

Gavin Schaffer’s article ‘Fighting Racism: Black Soldiers and Workers in Britain during the Second World” examines the changing climate of racial views of the public, the government and the military in Britain. Schaffer looks at the perceptions they had and the extent to which they were welcomed into British society, which reveals the magnitude of the racism and treatment of Black people. His overall argument is that, although Black contribution to the war effort, Hitler and nazism, and the US army’s racial extremism pushed Britons to reconsider their views on racism, it could not have reshaped Britain’s fundamental racist views and their White superiority complex. Therefore, Schaffer argues, that underlying racist concerns, such as intelligence, affected the reception of Black workers in Britain, this was further fuelled by the fears over ‘miscegenation’, which exposed British people for their racist views. 

Schaffer highlights the treatment of Black volunteers within the army. The War Office decided they could not employ Black volunteers, the Royal Navy refused Honduran volunteers, both of these instances covered up their racism with excuses, such as they were poor workers. The Royal Air Force did employ Black people, however, even after one incident of an individual problem, they labelled Indian volunteers as predatory towards White women, this could be compared to Muslims in this century who are automatically labelled as terrorists by the British media. These examples are given by Schaffer highlight how much the Black workers were under a microscope working within Britain. 

The evidence used in this article is useful to an extent. Schaffer uses sources such as government papers but he mainly uses evidence from Mass Observation (MO) reports. The MO reports mainly received mixed reviews from the public when asked questions about how they felt about Black people in Britain over many different topics. Many of the answers given in these reports were either referring to Black people as a pet or comparing them to animals, or even White children. Even the reports that stated they accept Black people into their society would still be disgusted by ‘miscegenation’, in other words, inter-racial intercourse, or marriage. White Britons main concern over this was it was ‘naturally abhorrent to a healthy, moral citizen’. It could be argued that this proved British society was still inherently racist. Although the MO reports are a compelling insight into citizens’ views, this was not completely effective as it was mainly middle-class, left-wing that were partaking in this, therefore, it was not a complete representation of how the public felt as a whole. 

This fits into this week’s sessions as it examines Black volunteers during the second world war and the significance of their presence.

This article was convincing as it used many primary examples to convey what was happening to Black people in Britain, specifically workers, during the second world war. I thought the article was structured well and managed to back up its points. The sources he used were very helpful as they successfully showed the views White Britons had, although it was not everyone’s voice. Overall, the outcome was ambience to the Black workers, however, it can be concluded that they were not fully welcomed by Britain, as Britain as a whole was still innately racist.

The main point Paul Rich makes in this article is that Britain’s response to post-war immigration was very slow to develop which resulted in tension and ‘white backlash’ allowing it to become a national political issue. Rich explains that since the very start of the immigration period Government circles had a sense of panic and fear because of the ‘impending’ racial conflict that was about to unravel. One Home Office civil servant stated that ‘sooner or later action must be taken’ as the immigrants presence would cause ‘a formidable problem’. The main point to take from this article is that racism and discrimination was still very prevalent post-war towards black people, as Rich states throughout that many thought the influx of immigrants was a major problem and that the pre-war race related riots would occur again because of these immigrants. Prime Minister Clement Atlee refused to take the ‘Jamaican Party’ too seriously as the worry among government circles increased as the number of immigrants increased.

Furthermore, the arguments and other points throughout the article are very clear. Rich goes on to discuss how the government tried to ‘control’ this immigration influx. Government departments such as the Ministry of Labour and the Home Office formed a policy based off of Nazism that encouraged educational and  industrial training programmes for the immigrants to fit them into employment. In other words ‘dispersing’ the immigrants to different towns and cities to try and control the ‘issue’. Also discussed in the article is the response regarding immigration after the 1958 riots. Labour activist John Hatch was keen to formulate a strong political response to the events, however, feared that race and immigration issues would lose the party support of the white working-class voters. It is prevalent throughout the article that there was popular stereotypes regarding the black immigrants that could not be prevented. For example Rich explains that some people found them ‘seedy’ and thought that they had links to gangsterism.

Lastly in his article he talks about the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, this act put restrictions on the entry of Commonwealth citizens into Britain. It allowed only those with work permits that were typically for high skilled workers to enter. This government interference was another way to try and ‘control’ the immigration and was ‘the emergence of race as a national political issue’.

Overall the article is very well written, it is clear to understand and very informative about the issue and response to immigration in Britain, which ties nicely with the weekly session. The evidence used throughout the article to support his argument and points is reliable as he has used research from sociologists and statements and acts from official government documents/people.

Rachel Young.

Race, Archival Silences, and a Black Footballer Between the Wars

By Martin Johnes

(Blog post by Jamie Walker)

Martin Johnes’ article “Race, Archival Silences, and a Black Footballer Between the Wars” is an interesting text that delves into the lives of black people, especially of the working class, during the Interwar period in Britain. Johnes stresses that historians tend to focus on racism inflicted by white people upon black people, which is more of a white person’s perspective, rather than exploring the experience that black people encountered at this time. Doing this would provide a different insight into the history of racial relations in Britain. Thus, Johnes explores the life of the black footballer John Edward Parris (a.k.a Eddie Parris) as a testament to the challenges experienced by black people, but also as an example of inspiration and the slow, but gradual, integration of black people into British society.

Parris was born in rural Wales on 31^st January 1911 to a black father from Barbados and a white mother from Leicester. There is very little known of the family, other than that the marriage was likely looked down upon by the rest of society. At the age of just 17, Parris was asked to join the Second-Division Bradford Park Avenue football club after being spotted playing for Chepstow in 1927. He had his debut in 1929 and from then on played for several clubs and performed exceedingly well according to newspapers of the time. But, as a whole, he had a rather fluctuant career. Despite being a very popular player, Parris had to change teams frequently because he did not make enough funds for his family. Footballers within the higher Leagues could expect a maximum wage of £8 a week from 1922, which was much more than most skilled workers’ salaries. However, since Parris later fell into lower Leagues he had to move around and seek work elsewhere. In 1939, for example, due to the war and being part of a lower League, Parris had to find work at the Gloucester Aircraft Company and leave the Northampton League due to the distance. Despite this setback, Parris played for the factory’s local team and Gloucester City. In 1946, he joined Cheltenham Town and in 1947 he became a coach/player for Gloucester. Later in life, following retirement, Parris had to find work with the British Nylon Spinners factory and was unable to afford decent housing. Finally, in 1971, Parris died from lung cancer when living on a predominantly working-class street.

There were an estimated 10,000 – 30,000 black people in Britain in 1945, who were mostly confined to working-class areas within industrial cities, such as ports. The white population, therefore, had very little interaction with black people and, according to Johnes, this only encouraged racial stereotyping and beliefs to circulate amongst them. Since there was so little contact, people’s views were informed by stereotyped and negative images of black people. However, the career and fame of black celebrities, such as Parris, had a complex impact on the white perception of black people. Referring to newspapers of the time, ethnicity was rarely used as a negative form of description, Johnes argues. Instead, different skin colours were seen as attractive to crowds. Johnes states that this “exotic” appeal of foreign players drew in much larger numbers at matches, referring to the example of an Indian player playing for Celtic in 1936. This may also have had similarities to the “comic” appeal of black people on “show”, according to Parris. Having black people on display as a “show”, bolsters the feeling of white superiority over them, Johnes uses the black minstrel shows as an example. However, for many others, the appearance of black cultural figures within popular settings may have improved relations. Johnes suggests that as more white people encountered actual black people, the more their toxic racial stereotyping was challenged. Improved awareness made people think of race differently and more positively. Black fame may have also served as inspiration for people. Figures such as Paul Robeson and Florence Mills became symbols of strength and determination for both the white and black populations, and Parris was no exception.

Overall, Johnes ascertains a strong observation from the life of Eddie Parris in relation to the lives of black people within Interwar Britain. Parris is an example of both the positive and negative aspects faced by black people at this time. Although Parris had accumulated fame and considerable levels of respect, he still faced racist ridicule from fans and most likely other Britons which the newspapers neglect to mention. Parris may have gotten to follow his dream as a successful footballer, but he still had to find work elsewhere to support himself and his family, work which likely contributed to his ill health towards the end of his life. “Racism co-existed with integration” according to Johnes, meaning that the levels of mutual racial respect at this time are difficult to define but were likely consistently unsteady. However, what is certain is that though the life of Parris may not have been a huge success for himself, he served, and continues to serve, as a successful example of the black peoples’ challenge against racial prejudice.

Evans article focuses on the 1919 seaport riots and explores the many reasons for the tensions after the war, especially between black and white soldiers. The mood throughout 1919-1920 was very aggressive, a four year war had a thorough impact on the soldiers. A violent attitude mixed with many rising attitudes impacted the period after the war greatly. Black soldiers were occupied with past memories of oppression and ensuring that their place in society was never brought down to this level again. Whereas many white soldiers held a lot of resentment due to an uneven sacrifice throughout the war and many white rioters wanted to restore the pre-war ways of segregation and discrimination.

This article explores the various factors which affected the rising tensions after the war with many being a knock on effect due to the economic disruptions. The international channels for trading in Britain were majorly disrupted after the war and there many struggles in trying to fit into the new ways of working post-war. There were engineering strikes in Glasgow and South shields which had a knock on effect on production, then onto unemployment and therefore affecting ex-soldiers living situations. Evans shares that in June of 1919 around 3,200,000 soldiers involved in the war had been released and at least 400,000 of them had not been reabsorbed into the workforce.

“Flag saluting, foreigner hating”

In this period there was a clear domino effect which was made up of a variety of reasons which exacerbated the riots. All under the overarching racism of the time. 1919 marks the peak of the sea port riots but during the war, issues were already rising, especially with past troubles still present. Evans explores the Aliens act and shows how minorities were not accepted into Britain during this time and successfully uses a timeline of events to portray how prevalent the idea of the alien population. Minorities were never fully accepted and even in the 1960s there were still restrictions to live in Britain.                                                                                                                           Through the addition of external factors to the already widespread racism present in Britain at this time, seaport riots were fierce and resulted in many being injured and harmed. The way in which riots were dealt with was by separating black soldiers and white soldiers. Cardiff was one of the places where the riots were rife and after major riots, police began to cordon off areas. Evans successfully highlights how the way in which police reacted to these outbreaks accelerated the tensions as they often took society back to a segregated state where there was a clear objection of segregation. Black people were blamed for many of the riots but different to other authors who have explored this period of time, Evans suggests how blacks did contribute to the riots and disturbance of the time.

Evans’ article is a successful and thought provoking read which focuses on the fact that the black population remains as an “obvious remnant and reminder of empire.” The article effectively highlights that this period of time and the experience of the black population throughout the war and after has not been thoroughly recorded and remembered in our history and life today. This article successfully portrays how significant the seaport riots were and how minorities were also partially responsible for the disturbances. Therefore this article effectively ties into our work this week as it too explores the economic and social issues which Britain faced after the war while also conveying how racism was still very strong and prevalent after World war 1.

The chapter ‘Across the Universe: Racial Violence and the Post-War Crisis in Imperial Britain, 1911-25’ written by Neil Evans provides an insight into the race riots which occupied the British ports in the early twentieth century.

Throughout the article, Evans suggests the main causes of the riots which took place. Evans suggests port labour and the issue of unemployment can be viewed as a significant factor. Demobilised whites as well as blacks were looking for work on the docks in the British ports. However, the incline to resort to violence as a consequence of the war coupled with the racial hostility, which was prominent, it is not surprising violence arose in 1919. Furthermore, the issue of discontent with other ethnic groups was obvious. The ‘alien population’ is another prominent aspect of racism which is included within the article. The presence of such helps Evans demonstrate the harsh realities which were endured by many ethnic minorities in the twentieth century. Finally, the inter-racial sexual relations which occurred during the time, can be viewed as being a catalyst for the riots which transpired. The relationship between women and men of colour were considered as a ‘scandal’ with the Liverpool Echo demonstrating the intent to maintain a ‘pure race’.

Despite several reasons being put forward, it is evident the underlying issue of each of the riots which took place in the British ports was the racial hostility which was prominent between whites and blacks. Despite the issue of racism being prominent prior to 1919, it is clear the disturbances which took place on many of the British ports were racially motivated. Racism played a pivotal role in most, if not all, of the disturbances mentioned within the article. The article sheds significant light on the unfair treatment of blacks. This was evident when Evans includes the “Get back to your own part of the city” quotation, demonstrating there was no relationship or assimilation between the black and white population. Furthermore, the concept of repatriation is important when discussing the prevalence of race during the riots in 1919. The fact such was even considered by the British demonstrate the extent to which blacks were perceived as being the principal cause of the violence in 1919.

Overall Evans narration regarding the seaport riots fits in extremely well with this week’s topic. The information posed throughout compliments and expands the details in the lecture, examining the social and economic pressures which ultimately resulted in the violence which occurred in the early twentieth century.  It is an insightful piece and provides important and thought-provoking information regarding the position of Britain and the violence which took place in 1919.

The document on the ‘Candid reflections upon the judgement lately awarded by the Court of King’s Bench in Westminster-Hall on what is commonly called the Negroe-cause / by a Planter’. A pamphlet written by Edward Long (1734 – 1813) in 1772, is a racist attack upon Africans to defend slavery, following the Somerset case and Lord Mansfields’ judgement. Long opposes the ruling and aims to reproach it by highlighting the inconveniences that will arise following the legal protection of slaves he also defends slave owners as being ‘innocent of guilt’, it being their right to own property. The judgement concluded that a master could not by force order a slave to go out of England to be sold abroad because he deserted from service. Edward Long was a historian of Jamaica, an author who defended slavery and the slave trade, his opinions were influential shared amongst many during the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

Longs’ main concern is the increasing numbers of black people residing in Britain. At this time racist ideologies were emerging and becoming increasingly widespread to justify the mistreatment of black people within slavery and the slave trade. Long voices his political, social and sexual anxieties, following threats of emancipation and abolition gaining momentum. His fears include the possibility of black people entering into the social and political life of British society, such as becoming members of parliament. In addition, what he perceives as the unnatural contamination of English blood is a cancer inflicting upon British society – the intermarriage of whites with black people and their subsequent offspring. In this document Long addresses the impurities and inferiority of Africans, referring to them as an unintelligent, useless burden to the British kingdom that are not of value to the nation as free men, they display no strength or skill and if emancipated will only increase criminality due to their innate savagery.

Long is correct in stating that slavery and the slave trade greatly benefitted not only Britain but the whole of Europe creating massive amounts of wealth that were shared and enjoyed by many. As a result helped fund the process of industrialisation, emphasising that the economic advantages it holds for the nation warrant the continuation of slavery. The problem within the document is that Long believes there is evidence to support the inferiority of Africans, their subhuman savage characteristics are deemed an innate feature of Africans and are used to justify his racism. This belief of scientific racism was held by many at the time but is factually incorrect and has been rejected and disproved, Long displays no empirical evidence to support his racist arguments. In addition, Peter Fryer states Edward Longs’ work is unoriginal and is believed to be heavily influenced and even copied from Samuel Estwicks, Considerations on the Negro cause (1772) Therefore the arguments by Long are unreliable and unconvincing and is merely just a display of his racist ideology. Long also describes himself in this document as not an advocate for slavery however, he was indeed pro-slavery as identified by his arguments within this document and seen in his book ‘The History of Jamaica’ published in 1774 which contains further discussions of race and his racist descriptions of Africans, comparable to animals.

This reading fits into the theme of this week’s session of pro-slave writing and the origins of racist ideology as it displays the racist thinking of Edward Long. His writing is powerful in highlighting the rampant racism that emerged in 18th century Britain that was created by plantation owners and slave merchants – known as plantocracy racism – and influenced many at this time. Racist ideology was used to justify slavery and the slave trade and aimed to separate and subordinate black people, by deeming them an inferior race who displayed innate savagery behaviours. In order to inflict fear onto the British people over the issue of emancipation, and their lack of intelligence and skill meant the only safe and suitable place in society for African was to live as a slave to their white owners. Anti-slavery advocates would have to work to fight against racist ideology in their aims to achieve abolition.

Notes:

Fryer, Staying Power,  ch. 7 section on “plantocracy racism’” 148-67 and ch.8 sections *resistance and emancipation” and “abolitionists and radicals” 206-16, and Fryer, ch. 6 “Slavery and the law”‘ 115-129

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https://www-oxfordreference-com.ezproxy-s1.stir.ac.uk/view/10.1093/acref/9780192804396.001.0001/acref-9780192804396-e-241?rskey=MYbx9G&result=241